Section 49 was mentioned in a brief passage that exposed its spirit and motivations:. Experience has led, moreover, to provide a somewhat unique disposition to ensure, despite the maneuvers, the vote on an essential bill. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. His reading gave the president of the republic a primacy that goes well beyond the letter of the constitution, but which is often consistent with the practice. Conversely, centrist parties, popular and independent Republicans are defeated at the benefit of the UNR, which monopolized the rightist votes.

In this extreme case, the president, who has the responsibility to ensure the continuity of the state, also has the means to do so, because he may resort to the nation to make it the judge of the dispute via new elections, or a referendum, or both. In this regard, these reluctant MPs will become more bound by their vote since the text of the motion focuses on specific points, rather than on their general support of the government’s policy, however, this does not prevent them from rejecting certain laws. The motion of confidence can also help the government in its relations with its majority in parliament. Maurice Couve de Murville. Then, he stated that he wanted to create a precedent establishing the optional character of this commitment.

dissertation mode de scrutin et stabilité gouvernementale

Then, he stated that he wanted to create a precedent establishing the optional character of this commitment. The practice was renewed in and afterwards was followed sporadically.

Article 49 of the French Constitution

This page was last edited on 1 Julyat De Gaulle was moving on 5 October and received on 6 October Pompidou announcing his resignation, as Article 50 forces him to do.

Those derive politically, if not legally, from the Assembly rather than from sttabilité President and must have its support; the regime thus functions in a more clearly parliamentary fashion.

dissertation mode de scrutin et stabilité gouvernementale

Since the gouvernements of the Fifth Republic had always been strongly united and superior to those of prior coalitions’ gouvernementsthe question of a possible disagreement between the prime minister and the Cabinet remains theoretical. Views Read Edit View history. Lacking a guaranteed majority, it is preferable for the government to wait for a motion of no confidence described in youvernementale 2, the adoption of which is more difficult than a simple refusal of confidence.


It is usual in French law for the simple present indicative to connote a requirement and not a simple option: In case of change of prime minister during the same session, the second will have this option even if the first has already used it.

Constitution de Côte d’Ivoire du 8 novembre – Wikisource

Thus, the motion of confidence is an arm at the disposition of the government alone. In the summer gouvernementlaethe crisis ended, and many of the deputies wished to revert to a more parliamentarian regime. De Gaulle, when inaugurated as prime minister under the Fourth Republic, promised he would include this procedure in the reform of the institutions. As for the reluctant coalition partner, it may vote to support the motion while expressing reservations and criticisms.

Constitution de Côte d’Ivoire du 8 novembre 2016

Without it, the French constitution would clearly define a presidential system, albeit with strong powers endowed to the executive branch by the constitution. However it was the procedure which was under attack, disdertation De Gaulle choose to revise the constitution with the Article 11 and not with the Article 89 which requires the consent of parliament.

The motion of confidence is the weapon of the government, and it alone. Archived from the original PDF on September 30, The motion was filed on October 2, after General de Gaulle had announced on mpde September a referendum in accordance to Article 11 of the Constitution to organize the election of the President of the Republic by direct suffrage.

For example, the Constitution of Italy states that “The government has to appear before each chamber no later than ten days after its appointment to get a vote of confidence” Also, the relationship between the ministry and the parliament, such as they are governed by the Constitution, call for a motion of no confidence only under conditions that give this break an extraordinary seriousness. If the former can be understood as a catalogue of the principal arrangements that the government hopes to make, probably as soon as it is established, in the logic of the investiture, and the latter as an explanation of its reasoning and of its intentions in a precise domain which would take—or to which the government would want to give—a particular importance, the distinction has no practical consequence.


This was also the opinion of most experts, by the State Council whose opinion was published in the press after a leak, by the Constitutional Council whose advice remains confidential, and by most of the entourage of the president, even the Prime Minister. This situation disappeared after the legislative elections of Chevallier, Carcassonne, Duhamelp The gouvernements have always spoken of authorization or of the agreement of the Cabinet.

Prime Minister Jacques Chaban-Delmas requested and received the confidence of the assembly on 24 Maywhile clearly reaffirming that the government took its legitimacy from the president of the republic, who may at any time put an end to its functions.

Article 49 of the French Constitution – Wikipedia

In that post lie the core of things and the great part of the changes made. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Under former practices, the government could link its continuance to the adoption of the legal texts. Voting on the motion can assure MPs worried about the unpopularity of their party if there is a clear victory in the National Assembly. The speech is a mark of courtesy and deference to parliament.

His reading gave the president of the republic a primacy that goes well beyond the letter of the constitution, but which is often consistent with the practice. Quoted by Monin, p. President Georges Pompidou had given his agreement to this commitment, noting that it was the prime scruyin prerogative.

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